Two states were born on the same day—India and Pakistan. The British Empire was a single womb, from which two embryos emerged simultaneously. Politics, economy, culture—everything had a common tradition. Yet, eight decades after independence, India has come a long way, while Pakistan has fallen behind. India's per capita income is now almost double that of Pakistan. While Pakistan lost East Pakistan in 1971 and broke up with the creation of Bangladesh, India has survived as one and the same state.
What is the reason behind India's progress? Religious extremists may claim that the natural superiority of Hinduism is behind it. But this is not true. The real reason was the clear position of the framers of India's constitution—a clear rejection of religious hatred, bigotry, and a sense of superiority.
After independence, India chose secularism, where the separation of state and religion is clear. Democracy was developed on the basis of one person, one vote. The traditional caste and gender discrimination was rejected and a modern, rational state was created. Science and education were given priority, which was not the case in Pakistan. Had Jinnah remained in power for much longer, it is doubtful whether institutions like the IITs or the Tata Institute of Fundamental Research would have been established in Pakistan.
However, this does not mean that India has always adhered to this ideal. The Emergency (1975-77) halted our democracy. State violence was at its peak in Kashmir and the Northeast. Attacks on minorities, xenophobia – these too happened. Yet these ideals remained intact to a sufficient extent that economic liberation was possible after 1991, and India continued to progress on its path of development for almost two and a half decades.
On the other hand, the influence of the military and the spread of religious fundamentalism in Pakistan reached such a level that they failed to keep pace with the world. Supporting terrorists, harboring Osama bin Laden, and nuclear proliferation further weakened their international standing.
There was a time when the 'Indo-Pak question' was at the center of international discourse. But the way India moved forward after 2000, it became meaningless to mention India and Pakistan together. Instead, the talk of 'Chindia'—that is, the rise of China and India together—came up.
India was then seen by the world as an alternative face of democracy, pluralism, and economic potential. However, in recent times, especially with the terrorist attack in Pahalgam, Kashmir, and the subsequent government response, the 'hyphen' has returned—the tendency to see India and Pakistan as two similar 'religious states' is clear.
Former US President Donald Trump publicly commented that India and Pakistan are two 'equally great' countries. He said that under his mediation, both countries had agreed to a ceasefire, and that he hoped that he would be ready to do business with both countries if they behaved "politely". He even offered to mediate on the "thousand-year-old Kashmir issue".
No matter how arrogant Trump's statement may be, he was the head of the most powerful country in the world, with which India has many important political and economic relations. Therefore, his statement cannot be completely dismissed.
Another proof of this 'hyphen' is found in a report in the influential British newspaper Financial Times, which says—“Two religious strongmen clash”. Here, Pakistan's Army Chief Asim Munir and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi are meant—one as a Muslim leader, the other as a Hindu leader. The same report also says that Modi has a 'sore attitude' towards 'China-backed Pakistan'.
Such comparisons naturally hurt our patriotic mentality. We feel that we should not be compared with those who export terrorism—we are the world's largest democracy, technology hub, and the country leading international organizations!
However, the reality says something different.
If we look at ourselves honestly, we have to admit—India has gone backwards a lot in the last decade. The elections are still being held, but questions are being raised about how free and fair the elections are. A section of the media has practically become the mouthpiece of the state. The role of investigative agencies and governors is very biased. Our federal structure is damaged today.
The huge personality cult built around the Prime Minister, which is built with the people's tax money, is a bad sign for democracy.
While on one hand a female Muslim spokesperson is giving a message on behalf of India during a war, on the other hand a BJP leader's ugly comments against her, which are later refuted by an apology - this hypocrisy is against our pluralistic thinking.
The brave and talented journalist Mohammad Zubair, who has won everyone's praise for his fact-finding, has also had to face death threats. The way houses have been demolished and arbitrary arrests have been made after the Pahalgam attack in Kashmir is worrying.
When the Prime Minister became the chief priest of the inauguration of the Ram temple in Ayodhya, the international media did not hesitate to describe him as a ‘religious strongman’.
Till now, the word ‘Chindia’ was a symbol of our confidence—two potential countries in the world economy. Today, that word has disappeared.
Our gap with China has widened to such an extent that now even small countries—like Vietnam—are taking advantage of the industrial and technological transfer of the Western world.
Against this backdrop, we have only one task—to return to the path of the future, to introspect.
Now the question arises, could we have adopted any other strategy in response to the barbaric terrorist attack on innocent tourists in Pahalgam, Kashmir? The author (Ramchandra Guha) does not comment on this, because he is not an expert on terrorism or defense strategy. But we need to understand the reflection of this crisis in the international arena with importance.
Where the international press is seeing India and Pakistan together, where that 'hyphen' is coming back again—what can we do there?
The unconscious, emotional patriot might say that it is all a conspiracy—George Soros, urban Naxals, foreign media are tarnishing our image. Then they will try to find satisfaction in the slogan of 'Vishwaguru' again.But the conscious, rational patriot will ask—are we again entering the shadow of Pakistan as a result of the authoritarianism and majoritarianism that have reared their heads in the last decade?
We once separated ourselves from Pakistan through secularism, democracy and rationality. Shouldn't we return to that path again?
Ask yourself—can't we return to the values of our founders? Secularism, democracy, unity in diversity—this was our true identity.
Are we really ready to give that identity a place in our hearts again? Now is the time for introspection.